The litany of fraud, corruption and murder within the ranks of the UK's police force has reached epidemic proportions with most of those crimes instigated by the freemason hierarchy that resides at ACPO (Association of Chief Police Officers) who are a LAW unto themselves.

There are at least nine Chief Constables under investigation presently and that does NOT include the Hillsborough massacre, the G20 murder of Ian Tomlinson, the murder of Daniel Morgan, the murder of Mark Duggan, the stabbing to death of Smiley Culture during a police raid and these are only the high profile cases implicating the police in deaths of suspects in police custody.

Would it not be far fetched to think that what the cop hierarchy needed was something that would detract attention away from the endless negative views accumulating from quite sinister abuses of their powers? That would sway the public away from the opinion that they are being controlled by a bunch of lying, devious, murdering bastards with a masonic rubber stamp on their forehead ?

Then the news that two non-mason female cops, both unarmed , after having been sent to an known area of gangland murders are then shot dead and a long line of police chiefs are wheeled on demanding support from the public for the difficult job they are doing and that social media has to be blocked and only words sympathetic to the police position is warranted and this coming from the mobsters who lied at Hillsborough, the G20 murder of Ian Tomlinson , Mark Duggan , Daniel Morgan and millions of other criminal and civil cases were masonic cops have providing false evidence to destroy victims of their tyranny.

There are millions of mens lives who have been persecuted by British cops whose only crime was to become separated and implicated in the vile family court judgements that gives the UK masonic thug cops enormous power over men not part of their creepy satanic network of control. This latest incident only reinforces the view that they are getting desperate and prepared to risk their own kind (or the ones who are not masons) to try and reverse the massive exposures of their long term criminality. These two dead cops are like so many other victims of the mobsters running a secret society agenda inside the British police force right at the very top.

  • Nine Chief Constables under investigation
  • Tomlinson G20 cop murder case: Freemason Met tried to hide PC Harwood's disciplinary record
  • PC Simon Harwood repeatedly accused of excessive force against public
  • More cop murders, fraud and corruption here

    Nothing is as it seems when the UK's masonic cops are spinning endless distortions of the truth after the death of two cops shot by a murderer let out on bail. While all this goes on they still have time to try and use it to take control of the internet. If only they were as quick at arresting and charging the wee neds who make life a misery for those forced to live in sink estates the length and breadth of the UK that get NO help from the police only persecution for DARING to report a crime against their person.

    First they make a press statement that websites are being set up with disparaging comments about what happened. Could that be their OWN agent provocateurs inflaming and worsening an already bad situation?

    Secondly they wait for the SHEEPLE to react, and even before they do the freemason heads of police are already stating that is what the public want, or more likely what they want.

    Then finally they come up with a solution that FREEDOM OF SPEECH has to be curtailed in light of recent events.

    Freemasonry has increasingly turned British policing into a very corrupt murderous regime, and there are millions of men who will vouch for the thuggery and persecution they endure when thug cops get involved in family court decisions that fleece men of their estates and children. They operate under an illusion that somehow they protect the public when they ONLY protect an enslavement system that is heavily weighted in favour of the crooked ruling establishment with a controlled media jumping through hoops to provide the facade of morality and self righteousness they hide behind.

    manchester and harwood
    Fiona Bone, Simon Harwood and Nicola Hughes

    Are the freemasons in charge of the UK cops really fucking with this country?

    No sooner has one of their own been dismissed , instead of being locked up for life, for the murder of Ian Tomlinson at the G20 in London than two unarmed female cops get shot dead in Manchester.

    The shooter in question Dale Cregan was released on bail over two previous murders because of INSUFFICIENT evidence supposedly. Now the freemasons running the show send these two girls to a place where a gunman with grenades is holed up, or they state they didn't know that at the time and consequently the female cops are shot dead.

    No male mason cops then at the scene of the murder? If it wasn't for the fact we had so much evidence against the scum and dregs in charge of the British police we could maybe believe the story being spun in the controlled media and fed to them by masonic controlled ACPO, but they have lied their way through so many disasters its hard to believe anything they are involved in . They are expert at manufacturing the situations that seek MAXIMUM sympathy from the public and even to the point were they would put their own kind at risk to get the necessary set of circumstances to turn around the hideous amount of bad press they have been getting over a long period of time.

    For those unfamiliar with the freemason scum running the show NOTHING, absolutely NOTHING is as it seems when they spin , twist and deviously manipulate incidents as was the case at Hillsborough to get themselves out of the murderous hole they often find themselves in. That includes the deep shit they are in for providing the Murdoch mafia access to police data for his vile rags at a price, with umpteen met cops being arrested by their own force for taking money for stolen police data. Nothing as yet of the murder of Daniel Morgan who was found with an axe in his head just before he was about to expose met cops dealing in drugs.

  • Two dead policewomen while chief constable defends decision to release murder suspect Dale Cregan on bail
  • Manchester police killings: Man, 28, arrested
  • G20 cop murderer Harwood found guilty ONLY of gross misconduct
  • Hillsborough: Chief Constable referred to Independent Police Complaints Commission
  • Private detective’s axe murder connected to News of the World: family ask Theresa May for inquiry
    Stuart Hyde, the temporary chief of Cumbria police, has been suspended on suspicion of serious misconduct.

    A crisis is brewing at the top of English policing after another chief constable was suspended on suspicion of serious misconduct.

    Stuart Hyde, the temporary chief of the Cumbria force, was suspended after the police authority examined what it said were allegations that may indicate a breach in standards of professional behaviour. The Independent Police Complaints Commission (IPCC) has been called in by the force and is making an "immediate and detailed" assessment of the allegations. Hyde's suspension brings the number of the country's most senior officers who have faced or are facing disciplinary action or investigation by the police watchdog to nine. It is unprecedented for so many senior serving officers to be the focus of investigations at the same time.

    The Cumbria force called in Bernard Lawson, deputy chief constable of Merseyside, to take over the force on Friday, after Hyde's suspension was announced. Ray Cole, Cumbria police authority chairman, would not reveal the details of the allegations against Hyde.

    Hyde said: "I was devastated when I was told last night about the allegations. I will await the full details and I will co-operate fully with any investigation. This has had a profound effect on me and my family and I want to clear my name as soon as possible." Lawson attempted to reassure the public that they would be policed properly during a "difficult" period. "The constabulary is fortunate to have police officers and staff who are committed to serving local communities and dedicated to making a difference to the quality of people's lives," he said. It is understood the allegations against Hyde are not of a financial or sexual nature. He is the lead on e-crime prevention for the Association of Chief Police Officers and one of the few senior police officers active on Twitter.

    In a fortnight the chief constable of Cleveland, Sean Price, will face a closed disciplinary hearing into 11 allegations of gross misconduct. He faces claims he used "undue influence" during the appointment of the daughter of Dave McLuckie, the former police authority chairman, to a civilian post within the force. Price – who is suspended from his post – is also the subject of a criminal investigation. His deputy, Derek Bonnard, faces a disciplinary hearing for eight counts of alleged gross misconduct. Both were arrested last year as part of the investigation led by the IPCC. The allegations against them include claims of the misuse of public funds and corporate credit cards. Both men deny wrongdoing and have made claims for wrongful arrest. The police watchdog is also investigating four senior officers from three separate forces over allegations of misconduct and possible criminal offences during a major investigation. Adrian Lee, chief constable of Northamptonshire, and his deputy Suzette Davenport; Jane Sawyers, assistant chief constable with the Staffordshire force; and Marcus Beale, assistant chief constable with the West Midlands, are all under criminal investigation.

    On behalf of the IPCC, Mick Creedon, Derbyshire chief constable, is examining claims that the officers withheld material and evidence from a murder trial. The four police chiefs have not been suspended from duty or arrested. Their forces have said the investigation does not imply any wrongdoing. Last May Grahame Maxwell, former chief constable of North Yorkshire, who admitted gross misconduct for helping a relative get a job during a police recruitment campaign, left the force with a £250,000 "golden goodbye".

    Maxwell, 51, escaped the sack and was given a final written warning after a secret disciplinary hearing. But when the police authority refused to renew his contract it triggered a clause entitling him to £247,636 in compensation. His deputy Adam Briggs – who was also accused of helping a relative get a job during the same recruitment campaign – was disciplined and had a charge of misconduct upheld against him. He has since retired from the force.


    How do you think you give your consent to the police? by offering or agreeing to be the name on the birth certificate, this is the consent you give to receive punishment for any non-harm (injured party crime) Which are ALL Acts & statutes of the club called "THE LAW SOCIETY" and its members who all agree to abide by the rules but what if we don't agree and want to opt-out? what happens then? Strange years lie ahead so lets watch how this all unfolds, while trying to be that change for the better we want to see in any way we can. BE THE CHANGE and GET EDUCATED ... Will it be economic debt slaves for your children's future or will the fairy god mother arrive and save us all... you decide or Big Brother will....


    These fucking dipsticks state the performer needs a LICENCE. In common law unless you are harming someone else you can live life free and NOT to be told by some uniformed pricks what and what not to do.
    This is a typical deliberate botched murder investigation by London's masonic met cops. The failure to search the property and allow the suspect to disappear and give him the chance to remove the body from the house and cover up the crime. This can only be a masonic brother being protected by the Met's sinister force that has regularly failed victims of crime to protect their partners in crime.

    We DID search the loft but missed Tia's body: Police make startling admission as step-grandad is charged with murder after grandmother and neighbour are arrested

    Police admit failing to find Tia despite 'full search' and use of sniffer dogs
    Grandmother and boyfriend arrested on suspicion of murder
    Neighbour accused of 'assisting an offender'
    Stuart Hazell, 37, arrested eight hours after body of Tia Sharp is found in loft

    Police admitted yesterday that they had searched the loft of Tia Sharp’s grandmother’s house soon after the schoolgirl was reported missing, but failed to find her body because of ‘human error’.

    The admission, which follows the disclosure that the 12-year-old’s step granddad Stuart Hazell, 37, has been charged on suspicion of murder, will dramatically intensify criticism of the police’s handling of the case. He will appear before magistrates on Monday. Tia's grandmother and Hazell's live-in lover, Christine Sharp, 46, was yesterday arrested along with Mrs Sharp’s next-door neighbour Paul Meehan, 39, on suspicion of assisting an offender. The body, which is still yet to be formally identified, was found on Friday by detectives using ladders to reach the loft at Mrs Sharp’s terraced house in New Addington, South London, despite repeated previous searches of the property.

    The house was visited four times by police, including a full search with a specialist team two days after Tia was reported missing on August 3 and the last occasion, when sniffer dogs trained to detect cadavers were brought into the property on Friday. Tia lived with her mother Natalie Sharp, 31, and her partner David Niles, 29, in Mitcham, Surrey, about ten miles away, but is thought to have stayed at her grandmother’s house regularly. Yesterday, the Met’s South East London Area Commander Neil Basu apologised to Tia’s family, saying the search should have been more thorough. In a statement, he said: ‘The second visit was a full search of the property with the consent of the occupiers.

    ‘This was conducted on August 5 over a period of two hours. All parts of the premises were searched, including the location where a body was discovered, five days later, on Friday, August 10. ‘An early review has been conducted and it is now clear that human error delayed the discovery of the body within the house. We have apologised to Tia’s mother that our procedures did not lead to the discovery of the body on this search.’ Neighbours yesterday said they were furious that the house had not been properly searched earlier.

    Dale Robertson, 44, said: ‘I don’t think it happened soon enough. After 24 hours, they should have been ripping that house apart. ‘There’s a mixture of anger and heartbreak. People feel aggrieved. ‘They were duped. Even people who couldn’t get out on the searches have posted up on Facebook that they are angry and they were duped.’

    The admission of errors by the Met Police seemed to discount an earlier theory that the body of the murdered 12-year-old had been moved from the loft prior to it being discovered. Sources also indicated that police chiefs will launch an internal inquiry to examine why Mr Hazell was allowed to go missing and remain at large for several hours on Friday evening as police searched the property prior to finding Tia’s body. The jobless 37-year-old was caught on Cannon Hill Common in Morden, South-West London, after he was spotted by a member of the public.

    Witnesses claimed Hazell appeared to be drunk and was calling out, ‘Have you seen Tia?’. A hairdresser revealed Hazell had staggered into her salon, asking if anyone had seen Tia minutes before he was arrested. Bryoni Goodwin, 18, from Merton, said: ‘He was swaying and crying, asking, “Have you seen Tia Sharp, I’m her grandfather.” ‘He seemed drunk and said, “I don’t want to find her dead in a forest, I want to find her eating a happy meal in McDonald’s”.’

    His arrest came just 24 hours after he made a tearful appeal on television for the return of Tia, during which he spoke about her in the past tense. He denied harming the young girl and said: ‘I loved her to bits. She was like my own daughter.’ The body, which has not been formally identified, was removed from the house on Friday evening and police were yesterday still scouring the property for clues. A post-mortem examination is expected to be held within the next few days.

    It is not clear why Mrs Sharp’s neighbour Paul Meehan, who with his wife Bobbie has a daughter aged 11 and a son aged eight, was taken into custody on Friday morning. It is believed, however, that the bus driver told police he saw Tia leave her grandmother’s house and walk down the path towards the end of the street the day she was reported missing. His information may have thrown officers off the scent after their initial line of inquiry had been that Mr Hazell had been the last person to see Tia alive.

    Sources said the investigation team, led by Commander Basu, was braced for heavy criticism for failings in the way the investigation has been conducted. Scotland Yard’s apparent failure to keep Mr Hazell under surveillance during the operation could lead to the matter being passed on to the Independent Police Complaints Commission. More than 800 hours of CCTV footage were scoured for clues of Tia’s whereabouts, with 60 reported sightings and more than 300 calls to the incident room looked into, but former senior detectives have criticised the investigation team for taking eight days to make the discovery.

    Retired Met detective John O’Connor said: ‘I find it simply staggering that it took more than a week to find a body which was right under their noses, and even more unbelievable that the man who ought to have been their prime suspect was not placed under surveillance and allowed to go missing for several hours before the police were forced to issue a panicked appeal for him to come forward.’ Tia’s mother Natalie and her partner David are said to be ‘utterly devastated’ at the sudden developments. Mr Niles was too distressed to talk when he was approached last night at his mother’s home in Mitcham, Surrey, but was still wearing the ‘missing’ T-shirt used to publicise his stepdaughter’s disappearance.

    A family friend, who asked not to be named, said the family had been ripped apart by what has happened. The friend said: ‘Both Natalie and David are in a state of utter shock and disbelief right now. It hasn’t sunk in for either of them. They are both praying that the police have got it wrong somehow. ‘They haven’t slept in days and now this is almost too much to bear. This is a close community and we stood by one another when this happened and joined in the search for Tia to be strong for the family but to think she was in that house all along is stomach-churning.’ Tia’s biological father Steven Carter, 30, travelled from his home in Northampton last week to help in the search for his daughter.

    Yesterday he left a note along side flowers and tributes from neighbours, in which he wrote: 'My darling baby girl Tia. Daddy loves you dearly. I want you to stay safe in the arms of the angels. Love always. Daddy.' Grandmother Christine Sharp was seen being led from her home by detectives on Friday at about 11am, but news of her arrest was not made public until yesterday morning when police confirmed that they had made two further arrests in connection with the inquiry. It is not clear whether Mr Meehan was arrested at his home but last night his mother-in-law, Julie Pullen, said that there was ‘no way on earth’ he was involved in a cover-up. She said: ‘There’s no way he would have been involved. He’s got kids of his own and he hasn’t done anything.

    I haven’t spoken to him and neither has my daughter but of course we’re worried and completely shocked by what has happened but he definitely had nothing to do with any of this.’ And speaking from his home in Swansea, Mr Meehan’s father told The Mail on Sunday: ‘I just can’t believe it. I hadn’t heard anything until just now. ‘I haven’t seen or spoken to Paul for quite a while, but I saw the news earlier in the week about the missing girl in New Addington and I know that he lives there so I did wonder if he knew anything about it or had been out looking for her. ‘He’s got two young children of his own so I can imagine that he would have been quite concerned for the young girl.

    ‘He’s a good boy so I can’t see how he would have got himself wrapped up in something like this. It’s all a bit of a blur at the moment and I haven’t spoken to him so I don’t really know what to think.’ Last night, police continued to question all three suspects at separate police stations in South London. A friend of Hazell’s yesterday said she was ‘stunned’ by his arrest. The woman, who didn’t want to be named, said: ‘I knew Stuart for eight years and during that time he didn’t have a nasty bone in his body.

    ‘We used to drink in the pub and when a woman arrived at the table he would be the first to stand up. He was a charmer and very popular with the ladies.’ Police were yesterday stationed outside Tia’s mother’s home in Mitcham where tearful wellwishers left flowers, teddies, candles and a statue of an angel. One note said: ‘To dear Tia, may you sleep tight and now rest in perfect peace.’ Dozens of tributes to Tia were also left at the bottom of the New Addington street where police discovered the body on Friday.

    Last night, Tia’s biological grandfather, Stephen Carter, laid a card in which he wrote: ‘To my darling granddaughter. Sleep peacefully my angel. Until we meet in heaven. Lots of love Granddad Steve.’ Another card, left beside a giant grey and pink teddy bear, simply said: ‘Be at peace little Tia, justice will be done angel.’ A Scotland Yard spokesman said: 'Although officers await formal identification of a body found at 20 The Lindens on Friday 10 August, the victim is named in the murder charge as 12-year-old Tia Sharp.

    'Two other people have been bailed to return to a south London police station. 'They are a 46-year-old woman who was arrested on suspicion of murder and a 39-year-old man who was arrested on suspicion of assisting an offender.'


    Race Rumpus: Cops stop & search bias hits UK minorities

    A controversial police tactic has minorities in London feeling like second-class citizens. Officers say their 'stop and search' policy is necessary to fight gang crime, yet the city's black community fears it's nothing more than racial profiling.
    'The police like to give the impression that they're the biggest gang'

    Racial strife mistrust and frustration built up over generations show no signs of dissipating.

    Mark Duggan's father died earlier this month, his demands for justice unsatisfied. He will never know the circumstances that led Metropolitan police officers to shoot dead his 29-year-old son last August – a killing that sparked one of the biggest outbreaks of civil unrest in English cities for generations. "The truth is that we're 11 months down the line now since that night, and we still don't know what happened," says Stafford Scott, a race advocacy worker and a friend of the Duggan family for nearly 30 years. A former advisor to the Metropolitan Police's black gun crime Trident unit – until he gave up after concluding "we were just being used to tick a box" – Scott was told of the incident by a police officer on his way to the scene. Initially, the Independent Police Complaints Commission stated that they "understand the officer was shot first before the male was shot"; the IPCC would later admit a "mistake" had occurred. There had been no shoot-out.

    The four days of rioting that soon followed ended with five deaths and some of the worst urban destruction in England since the Blitz. In Tottenham, at least, a bitter history of racism and a deep-seated resentment of the police fuelled an eruption that was as chaotic as it was unexpected. There is no shortage of distrust of the police in Tottenham, and the Met's response to the Duggan shooting brought long-simmering tensions to the fore. Officers had failed to even inform the family of their son's death. "I had a better inside track than the family who had lost their son," says Scott. "And that can't be right." With police officers still refusing to speak to the family two days later, a peaceful demonstration at Tottenham police station led by friends of Simone, the mother of Mark's three children, grew increasingly restless. When Chief Inspector Ade Adelekan arrived, he was met with boos and cries of "murderer", "Uncle Tom" and "coconut".

    Adelekan made a number of calls for help to Ken Hinds, a leading figure in Tottenham's black community and chair of Haringey's Stop and Search Monitoring Group, which was set up by the police based on recommendations from the Stephen Lawrence inquiry. Hinds recalls the Duggan family finally meeting Adelekan and demanding a more senior officer, leading the Chief Inspector to walk away to contact his superiors. "I thought – oh my God," Hinds recalls. "When it [gets] dark, nobody's got any control." Many of the women – some with young children – had been waiting outside the station for hours. "So they decide to go," recalls Scott. "And at that point the young men start to show signs of frustration." Forty minutes after the meeting with Adelekan, the disorder began. The fury over Mark Duggan's death was deeply felt, but the grievances that drove the riots were far broader – and continue to fester a year on. Many in the local community simply did not trust the police to begin with, and so it remains.

    "The expectation of no justice is a dangerous place to be in," says Symeon Brown, a youth community worker in Tottenham. "It essentially means 'we do not comply, we do not consent', that is essentially what a riot is, and that can have devastating consequences for communities." Mark Duggan was the fourth black man or woman to die at police hands in the Borough since the 1980s: the others were Roger Sylvester, Joy Gardner and Cynthia Jarrett – whose death sparked the 1985 Broadwater Farm riot; 1,433 people have died after contact with the police since 1990. Not a single officer has been convicted of manslaughter. "You've had other people who've been the victim of police brutality before, and they've had no justice," says Mr Brown. "We don't expect justice." The attitude of young people in Tottenham towards the police is shaped by the experiences of their parents and their grandparents. Any negative incident with police officers taps into an intense bitterness passed through families, going back decades. "The average young person in Tottenham believes that the police discriminates against them, oppresses them and harasses them," says Scott. "But that isn't just the experience of young people in the 21st century; it's the experience of young people from the 1950s and 1960s... when black people moved into this community."

    Scott was first arrested and fined £30 under the so-called "sus laws", part of the Vagrancy Act passed in 1824 which allowed the police to arrest anyone who might intend to commit a criminal offence. It was not repealed until 1981, but large numbers of black men were criminalised by it. "Hundreds of kids, if not thousands, from the same community were criminalised and kicked out of schools in the 1970s and 1980s," says Scott – and of course, many of them are the fathers of young people in Tottenham today. It is this inheritance that ensures the relationship between black people in Tottenham and the police is "extremely strained", says Hinds. "You've got three generations of the black community that has been affected the same way around stop and search, which means what I experienced 35 years ago is being experienced today by my grandson." Black people are now 30 times more likely than white people to be stopped and searched under Section 60 of the Criminal Justice and Public Order Act 1994. Kazan Allen, a 17-year-old art and design student at Highbury and Islington college, has been stopped and searched countless times. "Sometimes they're a little bit rude, they get a bit touchy-touchy," he says. "People don't like it. They don't give us the respect that we need."

    For Samantha Porsche, a 16-year-old finishing school and looking for work, there was a sense that the police "always see us as bad kids". She has no doubt it was this that drove the riots on. "They wanted to find an excuse to go against the police, the government. They're always against us kids." Leandra Alexander-Cotter, a 19-year-old studying sociology and social policy at Nottingham University, recalls an occasion in which two male friends walked her and another friend home. "A whole police van came over and stopped us, and they believed that – even though they were my friends – these guys were doing something wrong, that they were with me for negative reasons." It infuriated her, because she felt that a commendable act by two young men had been transformed into something incriminating. "It's like it's guilty until proven innocent."

    It wasn't just race, though: class was creeping in too. "If you dress a certain way, if you're conforming to the middle-class norm, it's not as big a problem as if you dress the way people dress locally," she says. She has no belief in the police as being on her side. "I think the police are here to protect the Establishment, not to protect the people in this area," Alexander-Cotter says. Drawing on his experience as a youth campaigner, Symeon Brown says young black men are "overpoliced as suspects, and underpoliced as victims". But the impact could be subtle, he says. "You're aware you're being 'othered'. You're aware that you're almost an enemy within the state, you're a kind of danger." It is this feeling of not being treated like everybody else – or "not given full status as British people", as Brown puts – which makes so many young people in Tottenham regard the police as a hostile force.

    According to Hinds – who works closely with the police – some officers appear to promote the idea that they are the biggest gang in the area. "We're the biggest gang. We've got 30,000-odd people," is the impression they give, Hinds says. "When you say 'I'm a gangster too, and we've got bigger guns than you, and we're going to do this, that and the other', that's bringing it on." Although there are plenty of stories from young people of perceived police harassment, older members of the community are keen to back them up. Arlene Lewis, 44, who works in local housing provision, insists the police pick on young black men. "They do. I've seen it – and I'd call it first-hand harassment." Dennis Campbell, 48, who is unemployed, hasn't been stopped and searched for years, but believes young people feel justifiably harassed by the police: "I was walking down here the other day, and there was a couple of guys, and one of them said he'd been stopped and searched 18 times in one week." A widespread belief that the police are like "an occupying force", as Hinds puts it, combined with a lack of any secure future for many young people, lies at the heart of what happened last summer. Neither issue has been addressed since.

    More than half of young black people are now unemployed: the number has nearly doubled since Lehman Brothers collapsed in 2008. In the borough of Haringey, where Tottenham is located, 75 per cent of funding for youth services has been slashed. Looking back at the riots, Campbell sees a "lack of jobs, lack of hope, lack of everything". It is not difficult to encounter that despair on the streets. "Kids were bored and they were looking for a reason to start something, and the shooting gave them a reason," says David Cooper, a white 18-year-old art and design student who feels harassed by the police because of how he dresses. "There's nothing for us kids to do. Clubs, chill-out places, they're closing them down." He can't find work either – he says that after applying for a hotel job, "once they heard I was from Tottenham, they dismissed my application". "I think everyone was just fed up really at the way they were being treated," says 21-year-old Keith Addae, who is about to start studying creative writing at Greenwich University. "I've always said that if you push someone far enough, they're going to end up pushing you back some day."

    But grievances against the police were not, on their own, enough to produce the scenes we saw in Tottenham last August. "I think it was just the culmination of frustration in the community," says Ms Alexander-Cotter. "And they just felt they were treated unfairly, not just by the police, even though I swear it was targeted towards them – but by society as a whole." With the situation facing young people in Tottenham worse than it was a year ago, questions have to be asked about whether we have seen the last of the disorder. The relationship between the local community and the police seems unsustainable. "I do think there needs to be a communication about why they're doing stop and search," says Seema Chandwani, a 34-year-old youth worker and former deputy head of Haringey's youth services. "Because I don't think in their right mind anybody wants to allow people to walk around with knives or to walk around with guns or for their little brother or son to be stabbed because the police weren't doing their job, so it's about finding that balance." Hinds is in no doubt that, if this balance is going to be achieved, there has to be a change in police training, which fails to "differentiate between the real gangster and the people who just go about doing their regular business".

    "The police need wider society to have faith in them, because they're the ones who are meant to protect society," Stafford Scott argues. "But they don't understand that their behaviour undermines that notion in communities like mine." It is difficult to see how anything other than a radical new approach on the part of the police will overcome decades of antagonism. The sense of growing despair at an increasingly insecure future must surely be overcome, too. "You can't have an ambition these days," Cooper says, "I just want to get a job and live comfortably, and that's it." But with the overwhelming majority of cuts still to come, and David Cameron projecting austerity until 2020, it is difficult to see how change will come from above. "I don't think it will come from the authorities," says Alexander-Cotter. "I think if change is going to happen, it's going to come from grassroots organisations or people in the community."

    Some 3000 people have died in police custody since 1969 - roughly one a week. Yet not one single cop, (not one!) has been successfully prosecuted which - just on the law of averages - is a statistical miracle, but given the bigoted disgrace that is our Crown Prosecution Service and the risibly named Independent (ha!) Police Complaints Commission, is sadly no surprise. Until the police and the prosecuting authorities become genuinely accountably, less institutionally racist and subject to genuinely independent controls then the alienation of large sections of our society will only increase.

  • Tomlinson G20 cop murder case: Freemason Met tried to hide PC Harwood's disciplinary record
  • Renta-Thug Killer Plod ‘Not Guilty’
  • PC Simon Harwood repeatedly accused of excessive force against public
  • Freed, the 'thug in police uniform': What jury WEREN'T told about the PC cleared of G20 killing
  • Simon Harwood trial: difficult testimony and uncomfortable viewing
  • Go on or near a protest, cops can kill you(VIDEO)

    Six cops have been arrested in Argentina after a video emerged showing them apparently torturing two prisoners. The footage was filmed last year in a police station in the northern city of Salta.
    In a verdict that has been unanimously described by everyone still in possession of two ounces of common sense as “an utter fucking joke” – the Met’s TSG riot squad officer responsible for causing the untimely the death of an innocent passer-by was denounced as a ‘thug in uniform’ on Wednesday as he was cleared of the charge of manslaughter by a jury of five men and seven women who deliberated for four days but were not informed of his previous condemning record of official misconduct which included acts of violence, threats and sadistic behaviour towards members of the general public.

    Perhaps equally disgusting are highlighted reports in the gutter press red top tabloids that emanate a most definite and prejudicial scent of ‘justifiable homicide’ due the negative publicity (read ‘black propaganda’) that the hapless Tomlinson was – quote: ‘an alcoholic, estranged from his wife and who had slept rough for a number of years’ – as though the above items constituted a viable excuse to sanction PC Simon Harwood’s despicable, sadistic actions and Tomlinson’s murder.

    Prior to the unprovoked, fatal assault on Ian Tomlinson on April Fool’s Day 2009, during the G20 London demonstrations, Harwood had been the subject of ten separate complaints, including racially abusing and thumping a 14-year old girl - then threatening to come down mob-handed and set fire to her father’s house; plus a road-rage attack; throttling, kneeing or threatening suspects during heavy-handed arrests; and unlawfully accessing police national computer database for his own nefarious ends.

    For the above sins Harwood was due to face internal proceedings in 2001 after being accused of unlawful arrest, abuse of authority and discreditable conduct but slithered through justice’s net by retiring – aged 34 - on medical grounds before a disciplinary hearing took place – then got re-hired by another regional Plod Squad three days later. Oh yes, the stench of graft and corruption permeates all.

    Then, as soon as the heat died down, in 2004 he pulled a few Masonic Brotherhood strings, via which route the road rage incident and other crimes were overlooked, and rejoined the Met Plod Squad’s Territorial Support Group - specialising in beating up members of the public – which culminated with the unlawful killing of an innocent passer-by - specifically newsvendor Ian Tomlinson - after Harwood, sans any form of provocation, sadistically lashed him across the back of the legs with an Asp telescopic steel baton then shoved him violently to the concrete pavement – an act recorded with fatalistic serendipity on video for posterity by an obliging Yank tourist. Somebody mention ‘Kismet due’?

    Thus the dilemma of a legal contradiction - that following four days of deliberations it was the jury’s decision to acquit and accept Harwood’s disingenuous statement that he used reasonable force to inflict the blows that killed Tomlinson mere minutes later due severe abdominal haemorrhaging resulting from blunt force trauma.

    Whereas fourteen months previously the jury sitting at the inquest into Ian Tomlinson's untimely death ruled, on the evidence presented, that he was unlawfully killed by Harwood. The inquest jury’s verdict was made on the same burden of proof as a criminal trial - that is, beyond reasonable doubt.

    Basically it comes down to this: by his actions Harwood is a nasty piece of work with a history of misconduct and gratuitous acts of aggression and violence - who has no place in any sub-division of the Met’s Plod Squad – especially the Territorial Bully Boy Unit or working for private security outfits such as the G4S Renta-Thug Agency or Sadists-R-Us.

    If the trial jury’s verdict is, in law, correct, that Harwood is not guilty of the charge of ‘manslaughter’ then what is he guilty of? Regardless of the bullshit propaganda viz Tomlinson being an alcoholic, he was filmed on CCTV and at the time of Harwood’s gratuitous and violent attack, simply sauntering past the police lines – not interfering with anyone – then is struck from behind in a most craven and brutal fashion and shoved to the pavement – is picked up, stumbles off and then collapses and dies – as a direct result of Harwood’s sadistic actions.

    Okay, if the charge of ‘manslaughter’ doesn’t fit the crime then what is it - common assault – criminal assault with a deadly weapon - or GBH – or whatever other politically correct euphemism now serves to describe an act of illegal killing – colloquially known as ‘murder’?

    Semantics aside, one thing is certain at the end of the day - that Harwood’s fast, cheap and out of control actions - the laying of violent hands upon the person of Ian Tomlinson, did very little to contribute to his well-being and health or longevity.

    Thought for the day. The Independent Police Coverups Commission has stated that Harwood will face Metropolitan Police internal disciplinary proceedings later in year. Ironically, in the meantime, he’ll continue to draw tax-payer funded full pay while placed back on gardening leave - along with the not-fit-for-purpose Home Office pathologist (sic) Dr Freddy Patel.

    So it all comes down to the scandalous fact that yet again the police are above the law and their graft and corruption-ridden Masonic Brotherhood members look after their own - reinforcing the offensive acronym: ACAB. Discounting the murders of Brazilian electricians and Mark Duggan – amongst a host of others - the number of suspicious deaths in police custody since 1998 now amount to a scandalous 330-plus – with the total of Plod Squad thugs convicted of being a contributing cause to any of these deaths coming to a large ‘zero’.

    michael doherty A district judge has given the go-ahead to a private prosecution against two Metropolitan police officers alleged to have kidnapped a man and threatened unlawful violence when they arrested him at his home, the Guardian has learned.

    Sergeant Gareth Blackburn and Detective Constable Stephen MacDonald have been summoned to appear in court next month. The issuing of a summons by a district judge against police officers is believed to be rare. Michael Doherty, 40, a former aircraft engineer, claims police unlawfully entered his home in West Drayton, Middlesex, on 4 September 2008 and forcibly removed him. He had complained to police about an alleged crime, setting off a chain of events that led to his arrest. He was subsequently cleared of two charges of harassment.

    According to the summons, the two officers allegedly threatened to "smash down a glass-panelled door which the homeowner was holding closed". The statement of offence continues: "You threatened and used a battering ram to support your threat of violence. The occupants were caused fear for their personal safety." The officers face charges of affray, burglary, aggravated burglary, misconduct in public office, kidnap and false imprisonment. The statement of offence alleges that during the arrest the officers were trespassers who refused to leave Doherty's home and attempted to inflict grievous bodily harm against him. Both officers are alleged to have carried Doherty away "when you had no lawful authority to do so. There was no consent from the victim and you used unlawful violence to carry out this kidnap."

    The summons was issued by the district judge Deborah Wright at Uxbridge magistrates court in west London last week. The officers are scheduled to appear at Westminster magistrates court next month where Doherty hopes the case will be sent for jury trial at a crown court, because the alleged offences carry penalties more severe than those a magistrate has the power to hand down. The Metropolitan police opposed the granting of the summons. The officers are believed to be on full duties. Usually criminal cases in England and Wales are brought by the Crown Prosecution Service. The right to bring private prosecutions is granted by section 6(1) of the Prosecution of Offences Act 1985. The director of public prosecutions can seek to take over a private prosecution to continue to pursue charges or to stop a case.

    The masonic thugs who masquerade as British cops are worse than the KGB and who ruthlessly abuse their position to undermine and murder UK citizens while protecting the richest most evil despot on the planet.

    Stallholders' details logged in database, documents reveal as criticism mounts over surveillance operations against activists

    Police carried out surveillance on political campaigners while they were at the Glastonbury festival, newly released documents show. Details of their activities were recorded in a clandestine database run by the secretive police operation which has infiltrated a network of spies into political groups for 40 years. Police logged how the campaigners had set up a stall at the festival and were selling what police termed "political publications and merchandise of an XLW anti-capitalist nature". The letters XLW are understood to mean "extreme left-wing".

    They were mainly selling T-shirts and badges, along with DVDs and books. The police officers also recorded the home address and mobile phone number of the campaigner who had booked the stall. The campaigners had been in the Green Fields, a special area – described as "the soul" of the festival – which hosts stalls and speakers on political ideas. Disclosure of the documents comes as police have faced criticism over the intrusiveness and scale of their surveillance operations against political campaigners following revelations about the activities of nine undercover officers.

    Simon Wellings, one of the undercover officers who has been unmasked, infiltrated the anti-capitalist group which was spied on at Glastonbury. Evidence of the surveillance has been obtained by Guy Taylor, a 45-year-old activist working for the group, Globalise Resistance, following a request under the data protection act. He obtained his file from the database which shows that police identified his presence at 27 demonstrations for causes such as anti-racism, opposition to the Iraq War and climate change between 2006 and 2011. One entry records how "Globalise Resistance had a campaigns stall at the Glastonbury festival" in 2009 and that "this stall was selling political publications and merchandise of a XLW anti-capitalist nature".

    Police had established that it was Taylor who gained approval from the festival organisers to set up the stall. Taylor said: "I can't understand what use information about what I did at Glastonbury has for the Metropolitan police. "If they need to know the plans and schemes of anti-capitalists, the worst place to look is Glastonbury as we were rarely in a fit state to plan the downfall of a parish council let alone the world financial system as we know it." The Green Fields, described by Glastonbury organisers as encapsulating the "spirits and ideals" of the original festival, is home each year to an eclectic mix of activities including environmental initiatives, tipis, massages and solar-powered marquees. Taylor, has a conviction dating from 1991 for spray-painting anti-war slogans, is one of thousands of campaigners whose political activities have been recorded covertly on the database since 1999 and shared with police forces across the country.

    The database, currently run by the Metropolitan police, contains information from undercover officers, informants in protest groups, covert intercepts and reports of demonstrations from uniformed officers. Another activist on the database is John Catt, an 87-year-old campaigner with no criminal record. Police recorded how he attended more than 55 demonstrations over a four-year period, detailing how he brought along his sketchpad and made drawings of protests. The Metropolitan police said it was not prepared to "discuss individual cases nor the provenance of information held on police databases".

    A spokesman added: "The Management of Police Information (MOPI) statutory code of practice provides a clear framework for the collation and retention of information for policing purposes. The National Domestic Extremism Unit (NDEU) database is maintained according to this code of practice. "The retention and collation of intelligence reports – carried out in accordance with the appropriate statutory codes of practice – is vital enabling us to fulfil our obligations of protecting life and property, preserving order, preventing the commission of offences, and bringing offenders to justice".

    He said this "important principle" was upheld when the high court recently dismissed an application by Catt to have his file deleted from the database. Last year, Newsnight reported that Wellings's real role was revealed following a blunder. He inadvertently phoned a campaigner from the Global Resistance group on his mobile phone while analysing photographs of protesters with a police officer at a police station.

    stephen mitchell left: Stephen Mitchell SEX beast cop found guilty of raping and assaulting a string of vulnerable women while on duty

    Sexual predators in the police are abusing their power to target victims of crime they are supposed to be helping, as well as fellow officers and female staff, the Guardian can reveal.

    An investigation into the scale and extent of the problem suggests sexual misconduct could be more widespread than previously believed. The situation raises questions about the efficacy of the police complaints system, the police's internal whistleblowing procedures, the vetting of officers and a failure to monitor disciplinary offences. Police officers have been convicted or disciplined for a range of offences from rape and sexual assault to misconduct in public office relating to inappropriate sexual behaviour with vulnerable women they have met on duty. Others are awaiting trial for alleged offences, though many are never charged with a criminal offence and are dealt with via internal disciplinary procedures.

    The problem is to a large extent hidden, as no official statistics are kept and few details are released about internal disciplinary action in such cases. By analysing the data available – including court cases and misconduct proceedings – the Guardian has attempted to document the scale of the corruption for the first time. In the past four years, there were 56 cases involving police officers and a handful of community support officers who either were found to have abused their position to rape, sexually assault or harass women and young people or were investigated over such allegations.

    The Independent Police Complaints Commission (IPCC) and the Association of Chief Police Officers (Acpo) are so concerned they are carrying out a rare joint inquiry into the scale of the problem, which will be published in September, the Guardian can reveal. Their work was prompted by the case of the Northumbria police constable Stephen Mitchell, 43, who was jailed for life in January 2011 for carrying out sex attacks on vulnerable women, including prostitutes and heroin addicts, while he was on duty. Despite being the subject of previous disciplinary offences, involving one inappropriate relationship with a woman and the accessing of the force computer to find private details of an individual, Mitchell had not been subjected to extra supervision or dismissed by the force.

    Those targeted by the officers are predominantly women, but in some cases are children and young people, many of them vulnerable victims of crime.

    Investigation has uncovered evidence of:

    • Vetting failures, including a concern that vetting procedures may have been relaxed post-2001 during a surge in police recruitment.

    • Concerns over the recording and monitoring of disciplinary offences as officers progress through their career.

    • A tendency for women who complain they have been sexually attacked by a policeman not to be believed.

    • A pervasive culture of sexism within the police service, which some claim allows abusive behaviour to go unchecked.

    Debaleena Dasgupta, a lawyer who has represented women sexually assaulted and raped by police officers, said: "I don't think any [victims] are quite as damaged as those who are victims of police officers. "The damage is far deeper because they trusted the police and … believed that the police were supposed to protect them from harm and help catch and punish those who perpetrate it. "The breach of that trust has an enormous effect: they feel that if they can't trust a police officer, who can they trust? They lose their confidence in everyone, even those in authority. It is one of the worst crimes that can be committed and when committed by an officer, becomes one of the greatest abuses of power."

    The officers involved come from all ranks within the service: the most senior officer accused of serious sexual harassment was a deputy chief constable, who was subject to 26 complaints by 13 female police staff. David Ainsworth, deputy chief constable of Wiltshire police, killed himself last year, an inquest heard this month, during an inquiry into his behaviour. He is one of two officers accused of sexual misconduct to have taken their own lives over the past four years. In one of the worst cases in the past four years, Trevor Gray, a detective sergeant with Nottinghamshire police, broke into the home of a woman he met on a date and raped her while her young child slept in the house. Gray was jailed for eight years in May for rape, attempted rape and sexual assault.

    Many of the cases documented involve police officers accessing the police national computer to gain access to the details of vulnerable women and young people in order to bombard them with texts and phone calls and initiate sexual contact. Deputy Chief Constable Bernard Lawson of Merseyside police, the Acpo lead on counter-corruption, who is working with the IPCC on the joint report, said: "Police officers who abuse their position of trust have an incredibly damaging impact on community confidence in the service. "There is a determination throughout policing to identify and remove those who betray the reputation of the overwhelming majority of officers."

    In its report on corruption within the police service published last month, the IPCC identified abuse of authority by officers for their own personal gain, including to engage in sexual intercourse with a vulnerable female while on duty, and the misuse of computer systems to access details of vulnerable females, as two of the five key corruption threats to the service. IPCC figures show that 15% of the 837 corruption cases referred by forces to the watchdog between 2008 and 2011 involved abuse of authority by a police officer, and 9% involved misuse of systems. Clare Phillipson, director of Wearside Women in Need, who supported some of Mitchell's victims, said: "What you have here is the untouched tip of an iceberg in terms of sexually questionable behaviour and attitudes. The police service, in my experience, has an incredibly macho culture and women are seen as sexual objects.

    "Police officers have a duty to steer away from vulnerable women in distress, some of whom see these police officers as their saviours. It is an abuse of their power to exploit that." One area to be examined by the IPCC is whether there might have been vetting failures from 2001 onwards during a massive recruitment drive in the police. Between 2001 and 2007, the overall strength of the service grew by more than 16,000, with around 2,666 officers recruited each year on average.

    Six years ago, a study of vetting within the police service by Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Constabulary revealed "disturbing" failures that had allowed suspect individuals to join the service. The report, Raising the Standard, exposed more than 40 vetting failures among police officers and support staff. The report concluded: "The potential damage that can be caused by just one failure should not be underestimated."

  • Cop abuse: vulnerable women and girls were targeted by sexual predators in the police
    Scotland Yard accused of plot to hack phone of Foreign Minister and top woman police officer

    Extraordinary claim by whistleblower that anti-corruption unit planned to access messages of Lord Malloch-Brown and Cressida Dick

    Informant also claims five cases of cash for information to private security firm - triggering independent police complaints inquiry

    Scotland Yard detectives plotted with private investigators to hack a Government Minister’s emails and mobile phone, a whistleblower has claimed.

    They are also said to have targeted the most senior policewoman in the country and a top civil servant.

    It is claimed the detectives involved were part of a Metropolitan Police anti-corruption and money-laundering unit, SCD6, which is already being investigated over bribery allegations. Scotland Yard refuses to say whether the hacking claims are also being investigated. SCD6, funded by the Department for International Development (DFID), investigated foreign politicians who laundered stolen assets through Britain. In 2009, there were fears that DFID was about to withdraw its financial backing. It is claimed this prompted a private detective agency ‘with the assistance’ of serving officers to try to intercept the ‘communications’ of three powerful individuals who might have knowledge of the threat to the unit. They were Lord Malloch-Brown, then a Foreign Office Minister; Cressida Dick, then a Deputy Assistant Commissioner at the Yard; and Nemat Shafik, Permanent Secretary at DFID.

    Last night Scotland Yard declined to answer questions about the hacking allegations. It said: ‘We are not prepared to discuss any details within letters or documents passed to, or seized by, the Metropolitan Police Service.’ RISC Management, the private detective agency alleged to be involved, said it has ‘never been instructed to intercept communications’. Sensational claims that Scotland Yard detectives and private investigators plotted to hack a Government Minister’s emails and mobile phone have been made by a whistleblower.

    Britain’s most senior policewoman and a senior Whitehall civil servant were also said to have been targeted. The whistleblower told police about alleged ‘communications interceptions’ in two cases and an ‘attempt’ in another. It is claimed the detectives involved were part of an elite Metropolitan Police anti-corruption and money-laundering unit called SCD6. Last night the Met declined to say how seriously it is taking the claims or to what extent, if any, they form part of a wider inquiry into the activities of SCD6.

    The inquiry – which centres on bribery allegations and has so far led to four arrests – was triggered by evidence supplied by the same whistleblower. Funded by the Department for International Development, SCD6 investigated foreign politicians who laundered stolen assets through Britain. In 2009, however, there were fears that DFID was about to withdraw its financial backing because of concerns about the unit’s performance. It is against this background, alleges the informant, that a private detective agency and serving officers tried to intercept the ‘communications’ of three powerful individuals who, it was thought, would have knowledge of the plans threatening the unit’s survival.

    One was Lord Malloch-Brown, then a Foreign Office Minister who was ‘routinely briefed’ about the progress of SCD6 investigations. The other two were Cressida Dick, then a Deputy Assistant Commissioner at the Yard, and Nemat Shafik, Permanent Secretary at DFID. Although Scotland Yard was first alerted to the claims last July, Lord Malloch-Brown, the former UN deputy secretary-general, knew nothing about them until contacted by The Mail on Sunday last week. He said: ‘I do anticipate pursuing this and finding out more. If true, if rogue officers would do something like this to senior Government figures, then that’s pretty alarming.’

    The hacking claims were first raised in a letter sent anonymously by the whistleblower to the then Met Commissioner Sir Paul Stephenson. It said RISC Management, a London-based private detective agency, along with ‘certain serving officers attempted to intercept email and telephone communications of Cressida Dick’. The whistleblower, who claims to be an RISC insider, said this happened after Ms Dick had been ‘approached to investigate the activities of certain officers’. The letter went on to say that ‘other communications interceptions appear to include’ Lord Malloch-Brown and Ms Shafik.

    It was accompanied by a detailed dossier containing claims that officers were paid cash by private investigators in return for information about a notorious Nigerian . This would later form the basis of the Met investigation into SCD6. Ms Shafik, who is now deputy managing director of the International Monetary Fund, also knew nothing about the claims until last week. Her spokesman said she did not wish to comment, adding: ‘It’s a police matter.’ Around the same time that the Met received the letter to Sir Paul Stephenson – he had retired a few weeks previously – the whistleblower passed a similar dossier to the Independent Police Complaints Commission (IPCC). For reasons which are unclear, this did not include the hacking allegations.

    It referred to the News of the World phone-hacking scandal but said ‘a wider and more lucrative area is the provision of sensitive police case intelligence to businessmen and other wealthy individuals who are the subject of police investigations’. In October it was decided that the IPCC would supervise an investigation by the Met’s Directorate of Professional Standards into the illegal payments claims. The following month the Commission confirmed it had not received the letter to Sir Paul Stephenson mentioning hacking but was ‘aware’ of it.

    Scotland Yard said at the time that it would concentrate only on the bribery claims because there was no evidence ‘at this time’ to suggest hacking took place. A serving officer and three ex-officers turned private detectives were arrested last month in relation to illegal payments. Two of the three were arrested at RISC’s offices in London. The Mail on Sunday understands that while one of the four was being interviewed, he was shown a copy of a third letter sent to the deputy mayor of London, who is responsible for policing. The letter mentioned the alleged attempt to hack Ms Shafik’s email and phone but the private detective was not asked about this. Last night Scotland Yard declined to answer questions about the hacking allegations or whether they now formed part of the SCD6 inquiry.

    It said in a statement: ‘This complex investigation continues. We are not prepared to discuss any details within letters or documents passed to, or seized by, the Metropolitan Police Service.’ Scotland Yard declined to comment on the documents which have now triggered an independent police complaints query The serving officer arrested last month was a 45-year-old detective constable. He was questioned about claims that he was given cash in return for providing information about SCD6’s investigation into James Ibori, a former Nigerian politician jailed for 13 years in London for fraud and money-laundering.

    The detective’s arrest came the day after a lawyer, Mike Schwarz, told the Home Affairs Select Committee of possible cash payments made by RISC to sources ‘who were presumably police officers or those close to the investigation’. Mr Schwarz, who represents Ibori’s co-accused, said that records, seen by this newspaper, showed roughly half a dozen payments amounting to £20,000 over an eight-month period. RISC had been hired, he added, by Speechly Bircham, the law firm representing Ibori. In a statement Speechly Bircham said that when Mr Schwarz spoke to the Select Committee ‘his evidence did not suggest this firm was party to illegal or corrupt payments’.

    It added: ‘This firm is not aware of any payments having been made to police officers by RISC Management Ltd. RISC Management Ltd was engaged by Speechly Bircham between 2006 and 2008 on behalf of our firm’s former client, James Ibori. We continue to be willing to assist the police with their investigations, but we believe the allegations are now for RISC Management and the Metropolitan Police to answer, so it would be inappropriate for us to say anything further.’ The dossier sent to the Met and the IPCC also alleges illegal payments were made in five other cases. RISC is said to have paid £9,000 to other officers for information to help a named African client facing deportation – and more than £60,000 to serving Inland Revenue officers for ‘information and intelligence’ to help clients under investigation. An RISC spokesman said: ‘No evidence has been produced to substantiate these anonymous and false allegations. RISC does not and has never made payments to serving officers or other government officials. RISC has never been instructed to intercept communications.’

    SCD6 first began investigating Ibori in 2005. According to the whistleblower, because of the unit’s DFID funding and the lack of ‘a tiered supervision structure’ its relationship with other Scotland Yard departments was always ‘tense’. ‘It effectively operated outside the parameters of the police hierarchy and governance guidelines. It was therefore not accountable,’ said the whistleblower. It was set up as part of the then Labour Government’s programme to deal with international corruption and money-laundering, with a focus on Africa. Ibori, one of Nigeria’s richest men, was jailed after pleading guilty to ten offences involving about £50 million, although it is thought the actual sums involved could be in excess of £200 million.

    Sentencing him at Southwark Crown Court in April, Judge Anthony Pitts said he was a ‘man of corruption lining his own and his family’s pockets with single-minded devotion and determination’. The court heard that Ibori bought six properties outside Nigeria worth £6.9 million, including a flat in St John’s Wood, a £2.2 million house in Hampstead and a house in Regent’s Park. He also bought a fleet of cars and ran up a £920,000 credit card bill. In 2005 Ibori instructed a London solicitor to buy a private jet costing £13 million and called himself His Excellency. According to the dossier both DFID and Lord Malloch-Brown, now chairman of an American corporate investigations and consulting group, were ‘routinely briefed in respect of the progress of the UK investigations and in reality steered the course of the investigations’.

    Lord Malloch-Brown said last night: ‘My relationship with the unit was indirect. I was heavily involved in the Ibori case because there was tremendous anxiety from the Nigerian government about it. ‘Their argument was that surely you should respect Nigerian justice and if there is a case it should be prosecuted in a Nigerian court. So I found myself talking repeatedly to the most senior levels of government in Nigeria, making the case that it was important to hear the case in Britain. ‘I defended the unit and what it was doing at diplomatic levels.’

    He added that he had initially been surprised when he first learned DFID was funding SCD6. ‘This was because if the offences were prosecutable in a UK court it struck me it was the core job of the British police to pursue this and not something for the UK’s development budget,’ he said. ‘I was quickly persuaded by Foreign Office and DFID officials that without this support this complex and expensive investigation would lapse.

    ‘As someone who believes that accountability and the rule of law are key to successful development, I concluded that this was a good use of taxpayer funds as it could be a powerful blow against corruption in Nigeria. As a consequence I became a champion of this investigation and prosecution in Whitehall and Nigeria where it was bitterly contested by some. The current turn of events is very disheartening.’ Asked about the hacking claims, a DFID spokesman said: ‘This is an ongoing investigation and it would be inappropriate to comment further at this stage.’ DFID still funds the unit, which has since changed its name to the Proceeds of Corruption Unit.